With Hungary’s pivotal election looming, the two primary contenders are intensifying their final campaign efforts. Péter Magyar, the challenger, is aiming to oust Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party, which has been in power for 16 consecutive years.
“We stand at the doorstep of a two-thirds majority victory. Let’s prepare and push in this final stretch!” Magyar declared to an enthusiastic crowd, subsequently engaging in selfie exchanges with supporters.
His last campaign stop is scheduled for Debrecen, the nation’s second-largest city situated in the northeast. Orbán, currently trailing in most opinion polls, is slated to speak at a rally in the capital, Budapest.
Significantly, a massive gathering occurred on Friday evening. Tens of thousands of Hungarians filled Budapest’s Heroes’ Square and adjacent streets for an anti-Fidesz concert, highlighting widespread public sentiment.
“I can feel it deeply; something is going to change,” shared Fanni, a first-time voter who traveled with her mother from a village in the south, a two-hour drive away. “In an ideal world, I wouldn’t necessarily vote for [Magyar], but this is our sole opportunity.”
Orbán’s most substantial challenge stems from a broad spectrum of public discontent, which has coalesced into a singular opposition movement spearheaded by a former Fidesz insider who has since become a vocal critic.
The Fidesz leader received support from a two-day campaign visit by U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance. Later on Friday, he was further bolstered by a pledge from former President Donald Trump to “use the full Economic Might of the United States to strengthen Hungary’s Economy” should Orbán secure victory.
This landlocked Central European nation may comprise only 9.6 million people, yet Orbán has cultivated a significant presence on the international stage.
He maintains close relationships with both Trump and Russia’s Vladimir Putin. Furthermore, he has become a considerable irritant to his European Union allies and neighboring Ukraine.
While some pollsters aligned with Fidesz still favor the long-serving prime minister, and a segment of undecided voters are expected to support him, his core campaign message has lacked the dynamism of his rival’s. Orbán warns his supporters, “We could lose everything we have built,” urging national unity during challenging times.
His strategy of portraying the EU and Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky as Hungary’s primary threats has not diminished his challenger’s average 10-point lead in opinion polls.
Magyar has largely dictated the election’s momentum, now expressing confidence in his prospects. He has traversed the country with an arduous schedule, delivering up to seven campaign speeches daily in villages, towns, and cities.
“It’s time to rewrite history with ‘regime change’,” Magyar announced to an audience in Mosonmagyaróvár, a small town in the northwest.
At his core, Magyar is a center-right conservative. He occupied influential positions within Fidesz for an extended period before establishing a grassroots movement named Tisza, intended to remove them from power.
Tisza has since garnered support across the political spectrum, particularly resonating with young voters who anticipate a shift in direction.
“Currently, young people have no future in Hungary,” commented Laura, a first-time voter attending with her friend Napsugár. Neither has experienced any government other than Fidesz.
Political analyst Zsuzsanna Végh from the German Marshall Fund of the United States observes a distinct move away from Orbán among younger voters aged 18-29. Opinion polls indicate Fidesz securing less than 10% of this demographic’s vote.
“There are broader shifts occurring in smaller towns, and to a lesser extent in villages as well, moving towards the opposition—areas that have traditionally been Fidesz strongholds,” Végh stated.
Although rallies do not always accurately predict election outcomes, Végh notes that the turnout Magyar has achieved is unprecedented. “What I find particularly telling is the level of engagement and mobilization,” she remarked.
Achieving a parliamentary majority would signal the end of Orbán’s administration and many of his signature policies. However, without securing two-thirds of the seats, dismantling Fidesz’s entrenched infrastructure within the judiciary and other sectors will prove challenging.
To achieve this, Magyar must overcome Fidesz’s long-standing control over numerous towns and cities, including Székesfehérvár, historically known as the “city of kings,” located roughly an hour south of Budapest.
Orbán’s penultimate visit on Friday was to this city, which he reminded attendees has traditionally been a Fidesz stronghold. Losing this constituency would represent a significant setback.
Within the covered market, one vendor estimated that 90% of the people present were Fidesz supporters.
Agota, a pensioner and one such supporter, expressed concern over the opposition’s inclination to align with the European Union and Ukraine. “Their approach to Hungary is not what it should be. There is a realistic fear of being drawn into the war.”
Anti-EU and anti-Ukraine rhetoric forms a cornerstone of Orbán’s campaign, often amplified on pro-Orbán media outlets and depicted in Fidesz posters featuring Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky alongside Magyar, under the stark caption: “They are dangerous!”
György Wáberer, one of Hungary’s wealthiest businessmen, has accused Fidesz of engaging in “fear-mongering” regarding the EU and Ukraine while simultaneously cultivating ties with the Kremlin. “April 12th is a fateful date: You will decide whether you want to belong to Europe or to the Russians!” he declared, provoking an acrimonious response from a state secretary in Orbán’s office, who accused him of betrayal and selling out.
Péter Magyar has permitted Russian “propaganda” television crews access to his rallies, suggesting they could anticipate genuine “regime change.” His supporters have chanted “Russians go home,” indicating a significant segment of the Hungarian population’s desire for change.
The identical chant was heard at an Orbán rally, where protesters disrupted the prime minister’s speech.
Orbán’s connections with Putin have historically ensured affordable fuel supplies for Hungarians throughout Russia’s full-scale war in Ukraine. However, the phrase “Russians go home” carries historical resonance, harkening back to 1956 when Soviet forces suppressed Hungary’s revolution against occupation.
At a flower stall in Székesfehérvár, Eva, aged 73, believes a change is overdue. Her daughter-in-law, Andrea, views Péter Magyar as arrogant and his supporters as boisterous.
“Fidesz rule must end; they have siphoned off substantial funds, and the country is declining,” states Eva, who estimates that 90% of market patrons still support the governing party. “Tisza supporters only focus on Orbán’s negatives,” Andrea counters. “Look around the city; they’ve renovated six schools and built new hospital facilities.” While acknowledging the truth in this, Eva alleges that a considerable portion of the funds designated for these projects has vanished.
Allegations of corruption and cronyism have alienated numerous Fidesz voters, both at local and national levels. Major public contracts were awarded to Orbán’s close associates, and independent media corporations were acquired by his allies.
After 16 years in power, Fidesz may have finally exhausted its political capital.